Slovak Presidential Election

The snap snap of the billowing flags outside the presidential palace in an otherwise deserted Hodžovo námestie this afternoon seemed only to emphasise the fact that today’s presidential election is largely regarded as the most boring electoral event to take place in Slovakia since the collapse of communism.


The two strongest candidates: incumbent Ivan Gašparovič and rival Iveta Radičová have both led rather dull and insubstantial campaigns. In fact the high point seems to have been when hackers got into the official website and altered the candidates’ promises, having Gašparovič proclaim that he would do everything Prime Minister Fico told him to do, while Radičová called on voters to elect her because she was prettier.

Ivan Gašparovič has the support of the current government insofar as he is the prime minister’s preferred candidate and Jan Slota, colourful leader of the SNS that is a member of the three party governing coalition, publicly supported his candidacy. However, Vladimír Mečiar head of the third coalition party, the HZDS, chose not to, backing another candidate instead. Gašparovič was Parliamentary Leader when Mečiar was PM and is therefore tainted by some of the scandals that shook Slovakia in 1994-1998, such as the murder of Robert Remiaš and the Gaulieder case. Gašparovič’s style of presidency has thus far proved to be highly reminiscent of that of when he was Leader of Parliament: that of a yes-man. He is expected to win the election, although Radičová may well garner enough support to push the vote to a second round.



Iveta Radičová is a sociologist by profession and member of the opposition Christian oriented SDKU. She is popular with opposition voters, but some feel she lacks presence. One of the reasons that the campaign has been so lacklustre may well be the fact that neither candidate is very charismatic. Indeed many would-be voters are put off by the lack of a suitable candidate. The post itself may not appeal as although the president can veto parliamentary bills, most see it as a figure-head position. It is also, however, true that thus far the two presidents who sat full term (Rudolf Schuster and Ivan Gašparovič chose not to transform the presidency into something more notable. It is therefore a shame that no better candidate has come forward to inject some life into the presidency.

The campaigns have revealed that old habits die hard in politics: when in doubt, play the national card. When Radičová attempted to support her claim that the president should not be associated with one particular political party by declaring her willingness to work with the current PM, Fico immediately distanced himself by stating that he could not cooperate with someone who had proved her anti-Slovak credentials by signing a petition in favour of Czechoslovakia remaining whole in 1990. Sadly, it is still the case that much of the rhetoric emanating from the parliament is framed in anti-Slovak ‘them and us’ terms. While such comments may find resonance in Fico's supporters, they serve to reinforce the frictions felt between the more nationalist Slovak citizenry and the non-Slovak minorities and liberals. In the 16 years since Slovakia gained independence the country has transformed itself to one of the more successful economies in the Eurozone, is it not time its representatives rose above such divisive tactics and lived up to the expectations associated with such a position?

If Gašparovič wins, the opportunity to embue the presidency with a new sense of direction will have been lost. Should Radičová succeed then more turbulent times may lie ahead for Slovak politics.